Her son was shot dead in front of her. And she says a policeman

Tires were burning in nearby streets. Tear gas was in the air. Crowds were gathering. So Pricil Journ

al told her son Roberto to hide the wheelbarrow they used as a cookie stall outside the general hospital.

There was a snap and a loud crack — and Roberto lay dead. A bullet had torn through his right arm, just above the elbow,

and into his chest.
In almost two weeks of mayhem, since Haiti was shut down by opposition pr

otestors demanding the president and his government step down, there have been no official numbers for those killed and injured.

No medicines, records or equipment: Haiti hospital struggles during protests
No medicines, records or equipment: H

aiti hospital struggles during protests
But Pricil knows that her son is dead. And she’s convinced that a policeman did it.

“When he was done killing my son…That cop then swapped guns with another nearb

y cop – and he then went to hide inside the hospital,” she said in an interview with CNN.

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Will second Trump-Kim summit affect Japant between

The second summit between US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong

-un in Hanoi on February 27 and 28 will trigger complicated changes in East Asia’s poli

tics. Though the effect on US-Japan relations will be limited, North Korea-Japan ties will move in a positive direction.

Currently, Pyongyang demands withdrawal of sanctions, signing a peace treaty, an end-of-war declaration, and a security guarantee f

or North Korea. Washington had asked Pyongyang to undertake complete, verifiable and irrev

ersible denuclearization, which might be now relaxed. The US may agree that North Korea fulfill it in stages. Befo

re any progress in denuclearization, the US will not ease sanctions substantially. Therefore, the Hanoi talks co

uld produce substantive results, much more significant than the Singapore summit.

However, it won’t shake the relationship between US and its East Asian al

lies. Even if the US and North Korea forge new relations, it would obviously not be a

s firm as the US-Japan alliance. Once the talks make headway, Washington may gradually lift the sanctions on Pyo

ngyang, helping get North Korea’s economy out of the doldrums. Other areas will be left as they are.

In this context, possible improvement in US-North Korea ties would not have noticeabl

e impact on US-Japan relations. However, it may make Tokyo and Pyongyang move closer.

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The last time Japanese leaders visited Pyongyang was

during the administration of then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi. As then deputy chief cabinet secretary, Abe was also

part of the visiting delegation. Currently, the domestic politics in Japan is stable. Abe is set to remain in office u

ntil 2021. Abe’s diplomacy with Russia has been criticized at home as fawning toward Moscow. Abe would not risk visiting North Korea if Pyongyang does n

ot make obvious concessions. Japan’s strategic changes toward North Korea should come about gradually.

However, Abe and Kim may meet in a third state, which is friendly with both countries, such as Mon

golia. Their diplomats, special envoys may meet first, laying the ground for both leaders’ face-t

o-face talks. However, a meeting between Abe and Kim may unlikely happen in 2019.

In January, Thubten Gyatso from Moding village in the Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Southwest China’s Sichuan Pr

ovince, went to Hainan Province for the first time in his life, where he attended an awards ceremony for rural teachers.

Together with 100 other teachers from China’s rural areas and 20 head

masters of rural schools, Thubten Gyatso received an award for what he has done for stud

ents from Moding village, located in a mountainous area 2,600 meters above sea level between Sichuan and Yunnan provinces.

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By trying to consolidate foothold in CEE, Washington

After the aggressive speech by US Assistant Secretary Aaron Wess Mitchell in late October advocating the US to win influence in

Central and Eastern Europe, Secretary of State Michael Pompeo recently visited Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia.

Although Pompeo’s visit covered a wide array of issues including the Middle East, China, Russia, energy

, and security, they pointed to US ambitions in winning the race for influence in Central and Eastern Europe.

Since US President Donald Trump took office, US capabilities have been on the decline along with its willingness to prov

ide public goods to the international community. Although Washington clings to America First doctrine, it doesn’t mean it f

ollows a path of isolationism. The US sometimes provides regional goods to rebuild rules that are more favorable to it.

The US strategy in Central and Eastern Europe follows this logic.

The most important US presence in Central and Eastern Europe i

s the security cooperation under the NATO security framework. If the US wants to s

trengthen its clout in this region, it must win favor from those countries that strike a balance among major powers.

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One of the goals of Pompeo’s visit is to rebuild the political

relationship between the US and Central and Eastern Europe. The US will also launch a Future Leaders Ex

change Program, providing one-year academic scholarships for Hungarian high school students to study in the US.

There are many aspects to US strategic return to Central and Eastern Europe. First, the US can

enhance energy cooperation with the region. The regional countries would prefer not to become overly dependent on Russia.

The US has already voiced strong opposition to the energy cooperation between Germany and Russia via the Nord Stream 2 project.

Given that the US is set to become a net energy exporting country in 2020, it could become a major source of energy for Central and Eastern European countries.

Second, the US will strengthen political cooperation with Central and Eastern European countries.

The region has undertaken multifaceted diplomacy, hoping to win more policy initiatives in tod

ay’s volatile geopolitical dynamic. As they receive less political and economic promises from the EU, they are turning to e

xternal powers such as China and Russia. The US wants to get back in as quickly as possible to make up for its absence.

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Guo Fan, director of The Wandering Earth, once said that a

film is a reflection of a nation’s comprehensive strength.” The Guardian published an article headlined “China challenges Hollywood with own sci-fi blockbuster.”

This is in line with how people see today’s global affairs. China is making contributions to global development with its own strength and its own way.

Different from the US sci-fi blockbusters which advocate individual heroism, The Wandering Earth pro

poses China’s collective spirit. Take the climax of the movie: When all the plans to save Earth faile

d and Earth is about to hit Jupiter, many other countries, which had decided to give up, were moved and inspired by a br

ave Chinese girl. They then chose to salvage Earth from its doom together with Chines

e. Such a Chinese blockbuster presents a new appearance of sci-fi and successfully moves audiences of different countries.

Likewise, the key to improving the world’s understanding of China is to find a

n echo in each other’s hearts. Today, mankind still faces many international hot

issues, such as environmental protection, anti-terrorism and the reconstruction of the world financial o

rder. To solve these problems, we need global participation and cooperation, and China should play a constructive role.

These problems are also common challenges facing China and the US. Both Chi

na and the US should take their responsibilities. The two countries are mo

re likely to cooperate on these issues which could be the basis for building mutual trust.

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There is a twin motivation behind his presence in the regio

one hand, Modi wanted to push forward the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in South Tibet where it may help New Delhi assimilate local

population and convert it demographically into a more “Indianized” one; on the other, Modi sought to pacify irritated and alienated local comm

unities by introducing more developmental projects and pro-growth schemes. In addition, by sending out a strong signal that China’s fierce protests woul

d not deter him from visiting the frontier region, Modi also sought to appeal to nationalistic voters before the election.

Following the passing of the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in the Lok Sabha on January 8, South T

ibet had been hit by waves of protests across the region. A large number of Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh have been sent into South Tib

et since the 1950s, but have no citizenship. However, if the Bill is enacted, these refugees would likely get Indi

an citizenship, which poses a threat to the local community as their swelling population in the long run may well crowd out and eat up the indigenous pop

ulation. For example, Hajong people – a Hindu group originally residing in former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) which fled to India  due to religious persecu

tion – have been migrating to South Tibet since the 1960s, but their presence since then has been a constant source of conflicts.

It was against this backdrop that Modi trod on the soil of South Tibet. Signaling that his governm

ent gives a lot of importance to the region which has been neglected by previous governments, Modi sought to

pacify annoyed locals by giving them a long list of gifts. The Indian prime minister laid the foundation stone of several developme

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Philippines advised to treat Chinese firms fairlyortedly interes

Two Chinese companies are reportedly interested in buying the Philippines’ largest shipyard, once an important US naval base in the Pacific region. Some Phi

lippine politicians have expressed concern over a possible Chinese takeover, saying it will be a very significant national security issue.

An unexpected dilemma is brewing in the Philippines. Since the start of the presidency of Rodrigo Dutert

e, a marked warming of bilateral ties has stoked Chinese firms’ enthusiasm for investing in the Southeast Asian country. In 2018,

China’s outbound investment in the Philippines rose by more than 8,000 percent from a year earlier.

With the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China hopes to shore up economic cooperation and let count

ries and regions along the routes share the dividends of China’s growth. Most countries don’t want to miss the o

pportunity, the Philippines being no exception. If the Philippine government bans Chinese companies from buying the s

hipyard from its current South Korean owner, it will hit Chinese people’s enthusiasm for investing in the country.

However, the explosive growth of investment has triggered concern over China’s increasing presence in the Pacific r

egion. The mass migration of Chinese to Southeast Asia has a long history, and anti-Chinese sentiment has been floating in

those countries. An increased Chinese presence will perhaps intensify anti-Chinese sentiment and complicate the issue.

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It is easy to feel the influence of the US when dealing with region

al affairs in Southeast Asia. Although Duterte’s strategies differ in some ways fro

m those of his predecessors, the US still has strong influence on the Philippines. It is understandable that M

anila may worry that the takeover of strategic facilities by Chinese companies could affect its relationship with the US. So

me US politicians may also use the South China Sea issue to instigate reckless moves against Chinese investment.

Politicizing investment is a pervasive problem faced by China as the country pushes forward the BRI. China and the Philippines need to make join

t efforts to resolve the issue. China should back the establishment of mechanisms such as the South China Sea Code of Conduct to sa

feguard the interests of all parties and build the foundation for win-win cooperation. As for the Philippines, the c

ountry needs to rid itself of US influence with a new understanding of the Chinese investment. We hope the Philippines can p

rovide fair treatment to Chinese enterprises and abandon its old idea that it has to take sides between China and the US.

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Thailand’s political changes mirror those of Southeast Asiawhich

 is a region in transition. Since the beginning of the 21st century, thi

s region has come across political struggle between new capitalistic groups and old b

ureaucratic factions, as well as political turmoil as a result of the huge gap between the rich and poor.

Indonesia is also going to hold a presidential election in April. These upcoming electi

ons have sent a clear signal that Southeast Asian countries long for political stability and development.

The Thai election can give confidence to other countries in the region. After all, with very few exc

eptions, the junta can return power to the people through elections.

As for China-Thailand relations, historically, no matter which

government came to power after several coups, the direction of bilateral ties has never chang

ed. The cooperation between China and Thailand has become the common  aspiration  of the  two peoples and is in their mutual interest.

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